493 lines
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<main class="bg-white text-black flex flex-col"><section class="container max-w-screen-xl flex flex-col items-center pt-10 pb-0 md:pb-10 lg:pb-0">
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<div class="info-block max-w-680 pb-5 sm:pb-10 overflow-hidden">
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<div class="post mb-10">
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<h1 class="text-xl md:text-xxl mb-5 sm:max-w-md lg:max-w-2xl">Opinion: Pseudo-ethics in the Surveillance Tech Industry</h1>
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<div>
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<span class="text-s lg:text-base"> 03 Dec 2021 • by </span>
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<a href="/authors/circe" class="text-s lg:text-base font-bold hover:underline">circe</a>
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</div>
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</div>
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<div class="post__content"><p><em>This is an opinion piece by pseudonymous contributor, circe.</em></p>
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<h2 id="preface">Preface</h2>
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<p>The Vac team aims to provide a public good in the form of freely available, open source tools and protocols for decentralized communication.
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As such, we value our independence and the usefulness of our protocols for a wide range of applications.
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At the same time, we realize that all technical development, including ours, has a moral component.
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As a diverse team we are guided by a shared devotion to the principles of human rights and liberty.
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This explains why we place such a high premium on security, censorship-resistance and privacy -
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a stance we <a href="https://our.status.im/our-principles/">share with the wider Status Network</a>.
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The post below takes a different approach from our usual more technical analyses,
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by starting to peel back the curtain on the ethical shortfalls of the global surveillance tech industry.</p>
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<h2 id="spotlight-on-an-industry">Spotlight on an industry</h2>
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<p><a href="https://www.apple.com/newsroom/2021/11/apple-sues-nso-group-to-curb-the-abuse-of-state-sponsored-spyware/">Apple’s announcement</a> of their lawsuit against Israel’s NSO Group
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marks the latest in a series of recent setbacks for the surveillance tech company.
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In early November, the <a href="https://public-inspection.federalregister.gov/2021-24123.pdf">United States blacklisted the firm</a>,
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citing concerns about the use of their spyware by foreign governments targeting civilians such as “journalists, businesspeople, activists” and more.
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The company is already <a href="https://www.reuters.com/article/us-facebook-cyber-whatsapp-nsogroup-idUSKBN1X82BE">embroiled in a lawsuit with Whatsapp</a>
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over their exploit of the chat app’s video calling service to install malware on target devices.
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NSO Group’s most infamous product, <a href="https://forbiddenstories.org/case/the-pegasus-project/">Pegasus</a>, operates as a hidden exploit installed on victims’ mobile phones,
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sometimes without even requiring as much as an unguarded click on a malicious link.
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It has the potential to lay bare, and report to its owners, <em>everything</em> within the reach of the infected device.
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For most people this amounts to a significant portion of their private lives and thoughts.
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Pegasus can read your private messages (even encrypted), collect your passwords, record calls, track your location and access your device’s microphone and camera.
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No activity or application on an infected phone would be hidden.</p>
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<p>The latest controversies are perhaps less because of the novelty of the revelations -
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the existence of Pegasus has been known to civil activists <a href="https://www.bbc.com/news/technology-37192670">since at least 2016</a>.
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Rather, the public was reminded again of the potential scope of surveillance tech
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in the indiscriminate use of Pegasus on private citizens.
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This has far-reaching implications for human freedoms worldwide.
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Earlier this year, a <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/world/2021/jul/18/revealed-leak-uncovers-global-abuse-of-cyber-surveillance-weapon-nso-group-pegasus">leaked list of over 50,000 targets</a>, or possible targets, of Pegasus included
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the phone numbers of human rights advocates, independent journalists, lawyers and political activists.
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This should have come as no surprise.
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The type of autocratically inclined agents, and governments, who would venture to buy and use such invasive cyber-arms often target those they find politically inconvenient.
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Pegasus, and similar technologies, simply extend the reach and capacity of such individuals and governments -
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no border or distance, no political rank or social advantage, no sanctity of profession or regard for dignity,
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provide any indemnity from becoming a victim.
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Your best hope is to remain uninteresting enough to escape consideration.</p>
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<p>The NSO Group has, of course, denied allegations of culpability and questions the authenticity of the list.
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At this stage, the latter is almost beside the point:
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Amnesty International’s cybersecurity team, Security Lab, <em>did</em> find <a href="https://www.amnesty.org/en/latest/research/2021/07/forensic-methodology-report-how-to-catch-nso-groups-pegasus/#_ftn1">forensic evidence of Pegasus</a> on the phones of several volunteers whose numbers appeared on the original list,
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including those of journalists and human rights activists.
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(Security Lab has since opened up their <a href="https://github.com/mvt-project/mvt">infection finding tool</a> to the public.)
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French intelligence has similarly <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/news/2021/aug/02/pegasus-spyware-found-on-journalists-phones-french-intelligence-confirms">inspected and confirmed</a> infection of at least three devices belonging to journalists.
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The phones of several people who were close to the Saudi-American journalist, Jamal Khashoggi, were <a href="https://www.bbc.com/news/world-57891506">confirmed hacked</a>
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both before and after Khashoggi’s brutal murder at the Saudi embassy in Istanbul in 2018.
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<a href="https://www.theguardian.com/news/2021/sep/21/hungary-journalist-daniel-nemeth-phones-infected-with-nso-pegasus-spyware">More reports</a> of confirmed Pegasus hacks are still published with some regularity.
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It is now an open secret that many authoritarian governments have bought Pegasus.
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It’s not difficult to extrapolate from existing reports and such clients’ track records
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what the potential injuries to human freedoms are that they can inflict with access to such a powerful cyberweapon.</p>
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<h2 id="a-typical-response">A typical response</h2>
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<p><a href="https://www.theguardian.com/news/2021/jul/18/response-from-nso-and-governments">NSO’s response</a> to the allegations follows a textbook approach
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of avoiding earnest ethical introspection on the manufacturing, and selling, of cyber-arms.
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Firstly, shift ethical responsibility to a predetermined process, a list of checkboxes of your own making.
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The Group, for example, claims to sell only to “vetted governments”, following a classification process
|
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of which they have now <a href="https://www.nsogroup.com/wp-content/uploads/2021/06/ReportBooklet.pdf">published some procedural details</a> but no tangible criteria.
|
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The next step is to reaffirm continuously, and repetitively, your dedication to the <em>legal</em> combat against crime,
|
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<a href="https://www.nsogroup.com/wp-content/uploads/2021/06/ReportBooklet.pdf">“legitimate law enforcement agencies”</a> (note the almost tautological phrasing),
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adherence to international arms trade laws,
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compliance clauses in customer contracts, etc.
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Thirdly, having been absolved of any moral suspicions that might exist about product and process,
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from conception to engineering to trade,
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distance yourself from the consequences of its use in the world.
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<a href="https://www.theguardian.com/news/2021/jul/18/response-from-nso-and-governments">“NSO does not operate its technology, does not collect, nor possesses, nor has any access to any kind of data of its customers.”</a>
|
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It is interesting that directly after this statement they claim with contradictory confidence that
|
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their “technology was not associated in any way with the heinous murder of Jamal Khashoggi”.
|
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The unapologetic tone seems hardly appropriate when the same document confirms that the Group had to
|
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|
shut down customers’ systems due to “confirmed misuse” and have had to do so “multiple times” in the past.
|
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|
Given all this, the response manages to evade any serious interrogation of the “vetting” process itself,
|
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which forced the company to reject “approximately 15% of potential new opportunities for Pegasus” in one year.
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Courageous.</p>
|
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|
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<p>We have heard this all before.
|
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There exists a multi-billion dollar industry of private companies and engineering firms <a href="https://www.economist.com/business/2019/12/12/offering-software-for-snooping-to-governments-is-a-booming-business">thriving on proceeds</a> from
|
|||
|
selling surveillance tools and cyber-arms to dubious agencies and foreign governments.
|
|||
|
In turn, the most power-hungry and oppressive regimes often <em>rely</em> on such technological innovations -
|
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|
for which they lack the in-country engineering expertise -
|
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|
to maintain control, suppress uprisings, intimidate opposing journalists, and track their citizens.
|
|||
|
It’s a lucrative business opportunity, and resourceful companies have sprung up everywhere to supply this demand,
|
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|
often in countries where citizens, including employees of the company, would be horrified if they were similarly subject to the oppressions of their own products.
|
|||
|
When, in 2014, Italy’s <em>HackingTeam</em> were pulsed by the United Nations about their (then alleged) selling of spyware to Sudan,
|
|||
|
which would have been a contravention of the UN’s weapon export ban,
|
|||
|
they simply replied that their product was not controlled as a weapon and therefore not subject to such scrutiny.
|
|||
|
They remained within their legal bounds, technically.
|
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|
Furthermore, they similarly shifted ethical responsibility to external standards of legitimacy,
|
|||
|
claiming their <a href="https://citizenlab.ca/2014/02/mapping-hacking-teams-untraceable-spyware/">“software is not sold to governments that are blacklisted by the EU, the US, NATO, and similar international organizations”</a>.
|
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When the company themselves were <a href="https://www.wired.com/2015/07/hacking-team-breach-shows-global-spying-firm-run-amok/">hacked in 2015</a>,
|
|||
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revelations (confirmations, that is) of widespread misuse by repressive governments were damaging enough to force them to disappear and rebrand as Memento Labs.
|
|||
|
<a href="https://www.mem3nt0.com/en/">Their website</a> boasts an impressive list of statutes, regulations, procedures, export controls and legal frameworks,
|
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|
all of which the rebranded hackers proudly comply with.
|
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Surely no further ethical scrutiny is necessary?</p>
|
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|
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<h2 id="ethics--the-law">Ethics != the law</h2>
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|
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<h3 id="the-law-is-trailing-behind">The law is trailing behind</h3>
|
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<p>Such recourse to the <em>legality</em> of your action as ethical justification is moot for several reasons.
|
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The first is glaringly obvious -
|
|||
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our laws are ill-equipped to address the implications of modern technology.
|
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Legal systems are a cumbersome inheritance built over generations.
|
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This is especially true of the statutes and regulations governing international trade, behind which these companies so often hide.
|
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Our best legal systems are trailing miles behind the technology for which we seek guidelines.
|
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Legislators are still struggling to make sense of technologies like face recognition,
|
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the repercussions of smart devices acting “on their own” and biases in algorithms.
|
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To claim you are performing ethical due diligence by resorting to an outdated and incomplete system of legal codes is disingenuous.</p>
|
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|
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<h3 id="the-law-depends-on-ethics">The law depends on ethics</h3>
|
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|
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<p>The second reason is more central to my argument,
|
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and an important flaw in these sleight of hand justifications appearing from time to time in the media.
|
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Ethics can in no way be confused as synonymous with legality or legitimacy.
|
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These are incommensurable concepts.
|
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In an ideal world, of course, the law is meant to track the minimum standards of ethical conduct in a society.
|
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Laws are often drafted exactly from some ethical, and practical, impulse to minimize harmful conduct
|
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and provide for corrective and punitive measures where transgressions do occur.
|
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The law, however, has a much narrower scope than ethics.
|
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It can be just or unjust.
|
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In fact, it is in need of ethics to constantly reform.
|
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Ethics and values are born out of collective self-reflection.
|
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It develops in our conversation with ourselves and others about the type of society we strive for.
|
|||
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As such, an ethical worldview summarizes our deepest intuitions about how we should live and measure our impact on the world.
|
|||
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For this reason, ethics is primarily enforced by social and internal pressures, not legal boundaries -
|
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our desire to do what <em>ought</em> to be done, however we define that.
|
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Ethics is therefore a much grander scheme than global legal systems
|
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|
and the diplomatic frameworks that grants legitimacy to governments.
|
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These are but one limited outflow of the human aspiration to form societies in accordance with our ideologies and ethics.</p>
|
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|
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<h3 id="international-law-is-vague-and-exploitable">International law is vague and exploitable</h3>
|
|||
|
|
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<p>Of course, the cyber-arms trade has a favorite recourse, <em>international</em> law, which is even more limited.
|
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Since such products are seldomly sold to governments and agencies within the country of production,
|
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|
it enables a further distancing from consequences.
|
|||
|
Many private surveillance companies are based in fairly liberal societies with (seemingly) strict emphases on human rights in their domestic laws.
|
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International laws are much more complicated - for opportunists a synonym for “more grey areas in which to hide”.
|
|||
|
Company conduct can now be governed, and excused, by a system that follows
|
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|
the whims of autocrats with exploitative intent and vastly different ethical conceptions from the company’s purported aims.
|
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|
International law, and the ways it is most often enforced by way of, say, UN-backed sanctions,
|
|||
|
have long been shaped by the compromises of international diplomacy.
|
|||
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To be blunt: these laws are weak and subject to exactly the sort of narrow interests behind which mercenaries have always hidden.
|
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The surveillance tech industry is no exception.</p>
|
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|
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<h2 id="conclusion">Conclusion</h2>
|
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|
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<p>My point is simple:
|
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selling cyber-arms with the potential to become vast tools of oppression to governments and bodies with blatant histories of human rights violations,
|
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|
and all but the publicly announced intention to continue operating in this way,
|
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|
is categorically unconscionable.
|
|||
|
This seems obvious no matter what ethics system you argue from,
|
|||
|
provided it harbors any consideration for human dignity and freedom.
|
|||
|
It is a sign of poor moral discourse that such recourses to law and legitimacy are often considered synonymous with ethical justification.
|
|||
|
“<em>I have acted within the bounds of law</em>”, <em>“We supply only to legitimate law enforcement agencies”</em>, etc. are no substitutes.
|
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|
Ethical conduct requires an honest evaluation of an action against some conception of “the good”,
|
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|
however you define that.
|
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|
Too often the surveillance tech industry precisely sidesteps this question,
|
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|
both in internal processes and external rationalisations to a concerned public.</p>
|
|||
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|
|||
|
<p>John Locke, he of the life-liberty-and-property, articulated the idea that government exists solely through the consent of the governed.
|
|||
|
Towards the end of the 17th century, he wrote in his <em>Second Treatise on Civil Government</em>,
|
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|
“[w]henever legislators endeavor to take away,
|
|||
|
and destroy the property of the people, or to reduce them to slavery under arbitrary power,
|
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|
they put themselves in a state of war with the people, who are thereupon absolved from any further obedience”.
|
|||
|
The inference is straightforward and humanist in essence:
|
|||
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legitimacy is not something that is conferred by governments and institutions.
|
|||
|
Rather, they derive their legitimacy from us, their citizens, holding them to standards of ethics and societal ideals.
|
|||
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This legitimacy only remains in tact as long as this mandate is honored and continuously extended by a well-informed public.
|
|||
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This is the principle of informed consent on which all reciprocal ethics is based.</p>
|
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|
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<p>The surveillance tech industry may well have nothing more or less noble in mind than profit-making within legal bounds
|
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|
when developing and selling their products.
|
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|
However, when such companies are revealed again and again to have supplied tools of gross human rights violations to known human rights violators,
|
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|
they will do well to remember that ethics always <em>precedes</em> requirements of legality and legitimacy.
|
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|
It is a fallacy to take normative guidance from the concept of “legitimacy”
|
|||
|
if the concept itself depends on such normative guidelines for definition.
|
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|
Without examining the ethical standards by which institutions, governments, and laws, were created,
|
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|
no value-judgements about their legitimacy can be made.
|
|||
|
Hiding behind legal compliance as substitute for moral justification is not enough.
|
|||
|
Targets of increasingly invasive governmental snooping are too often chosen precisely to suppress the mechanisms from which the legitimacy of such governments flow -
|
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|
the consent of ordinary civilians.
|
|||
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Free and fair elections, free speech, free media, freedom of thought are all at risk.</p>
|
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|
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<h2 id="references">References</h2>
|
|||
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|
|||
|
<ul>
|
|||
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<li><a href="https://our.status.im/our-principles/">Status Principles</a></li>
|
|||
|
<li><a href="https://public-inspection.federalregister.gov/2021-24123.pdf">Federal Register: Addition of Certain Entities to the Entity List</a></li>
|
|||
|
<li><a href="https://forbiddenstories.org/case/the-pegasus-project/">forbiddenstories.org: The Pegasus Project</a></li>
|
|||
|
<li><a href="https://www.theguardian.com/news/series/pegasus-project">theguardian.com: The Pegasus Project</a></li>
|
|||
|
<li><a href="https://www.amnesty.org/en/latest/research/2021/07/forensic-methodology-report-how-to-catch-nso-groups-pegasus/#_ftn1">amnesty.org Forensic Methodology Report: How to catch NSO Group’s Pegasus</a></li>
|
|||
|
<li><a href="https://www.apple.com/newsroom/2021/11/apple-sues-nso-group-to-curb-the-abuse-of-state-sponsored-spyware/">Apple sues NSO Group to curb the abuse of state-sponsored spyware</a></li>
|
|||
|
<li><a href="https://www.bbc.com/news/technology-37192670">bbc.com: Who are the hackers who cracked the iPhone?</a></li>
|
|||
|
<li><a href="https://www.bbc.com/news/world-57891506">bbc.com: Pegasus: Who are the alleged victims of spyware targeting?</a></li>
|
|||
|
<li><a href="https://citizenlab.ca/2014/02/mapping-hacking-teams-untraceable-spyware/">citizenlab.ca: Mapping Hacking Team’s “Untraceable” Spyware</a></li>
|
|||
|
<li><a href="https://www.economist.com/business/2019/12/12/offering-software-for-snooping-to-governments-is-a-booming-business">economist.com: Offering software for snooping to governments is a booming business</a></li>
|
|||
|
<li><a href="https://www.mem3nt0.com/en/">Memento Labs</a></li>
|
|||
|
<li><a href="https://github.com/mvt-project/mvt">Mobile Verification Toolkit to identify compromised devices</a></li>
|
|||
|
<li><a href="https://www.nsogroup.com/wp-content/uploads/2021/06/ReportBooklet.pdf">NSO Group: Transparency and Responsibility Report 2021</a></li>
|
|||
|
<li><a href="https://www.reuters.com/article/us-facebook-cyber-whatsapp-nsogroup-idUSKBN1X82BE">reuters.com: WhatsApp sues Israel’s NSO for allegedly helping spies hack phones around the world</a></li>
|
|||
|
<li><a href="https://www.wired.com/2015/07/hacking-team-breach-shows-global-spying-firm-run-amok/">wired.com: Hacking Team Breach Shows a Global Spying Firm Run Amok</a></li>
|
|||
|
</ul>
|
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|
</div>
|
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